How ‘democratators’ threaten press freedom

August 31, 2015

by Joel Simon | Columbia Journalism Review

As President Obama arrived in Ethiopia in July, his National Security Advisor Susan Rice was asked if she considered the country to be a democracy. “One hundred percent,” she quipped, referring to the tally in favor of the ruling party in national elections in May.

President Barack Obama and Hailemariam Desalegn

Not everyone was amused. For the activists and journalists who face harassment, imprisonment, and exile, massive state repression in Ethiopia is no laughing matter. Indeed, while the government of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn released six imprisoned journalists in advance of Obama’s visit, it was able to effectively deflect criticism of Ethiopia’s human rights record, noting bilateral discussions were focused on trade, security, and entrepreneurship.

Rice’s joke was all the more troubling because it strikes at a larger challenge confronting the Obama administration and its efforts to strengthen civil society and press freedom in Africa. The president’s trip to Kenya and Ethiopia was his fourth to a region where a new generation of autocratic leaders is on the rise. These leaders have earned legitimacy and international support by winning elections. But in office, they govern with contempt for the independent institutions that define a democracy, the media foremost among them.

I call these elected autocrats “democratators,” and their influence is hardly confined to Africa. Globally the leading examples are President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey, President Vladimir Putin of Russia, and the late President Hugo Chávez of Venezuela. All three won resoundingly at the polls and then used their popular mandate to consolidate control of the institutions that constrain their power. As I’ve shown elsewhere, Putin used punitive tax audits to pave the way for Kremlin-orchestrated takeovers of critical broadcasters; Chávez used his bully pulpit to rally opposition to critical media and vilify individual reporters; and Erdogan used his country’s anti-terror laws to round up and jail dozens of independent journalists, making Turkey the world’s leading jailer of journalists for several years.

These are typical democratator strategies. Democratators—as opposed to traditional dictators—prefer stealth, manipulation and subterfuge to brute force. While exploiting the global demand for formalistic elections, at home they use their popular mandate to justify repressive policies. They argue a strong hand is necessary to ensure security, fight terrorism, or promote economic development, and claim to be acting with the support of the country’s majority. Democratators often cast themselves in opposition to the media, which they point out is “unelected,” and claim represents political factions and elite economic interests.

Democratators span the globe and the ideological spectrum, from socialists like Rafael Correa of Ecuador to nationalists like Viktor Orban of Hungary. They also vary in the amount of repression they employ. In Africa, they run the gamut. On one end of the continuum are Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe and Paul Kagame of Rwanda, who subject themselves to periodic elections but are no longer fooling anyone. On the other are Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya and Jacob Zuma of South Africa, both of whom lead countries with strong (but threatened) independent institutions.

President Obama’s relationship with Africa is complicated by China’s rise in the region. China is investing billions in infrastructure development in exchange for access to essential raw materials and promises no meddling questions on democracy and human rights. But there is unique value for African countries in a strong US relationship, and Obama must exploit this leverage to gain meaningful commitments on human rights and press freedom.

In fact, I traveled to Kenya the week before Obama arrived to make this point. We released a CPJ report entitled Broken Promises: How Kenya is failing to uphold its commitment to a free press in Nairobi, and received widespread coverage in the domestic and international media. I met with many journalists who described a suffocating climate in which the government fails to investigate violent attacks, publicly vilifies the media, and advocates for restrictive legislation. Stung by the criticism, Kenya’s Cabinet Secretary Fred Matiang’i dismissed the CPJ report as a “badly crafted joke” and “unscientific. He was considerably more conciliatory when we met with him the next day at his office, promising to investigate the outstanding killings and study the possible repeal of Kenya’s anachronistic criminal defamation law.

Obama’s Africa trip highlighted the way in which his administration, and indeed the international community, have struggled to confront this new generation of autocrats. The best approach for dealing with the rise of the democratators in Africa and globally is to move firmly away from the reliance on elections as a benchmark of democratic government and develop broader mechanism to measure the strength of independent institutions, including the media. The recognition that some of Africa’s most repressive leaders are elected should force this recalibration; and the fact that Africa’s most democratic societies are seeing an erosion in media freedom highlights the urgency.

sourse http://ecadforum.com/

Ethiopia: The Unraveling of Ethnic-federalism

August 27, 2015

by Aklog Birara, PhD

“They gave the land and we took it. This is green gold.”
Karuturi on land grab in Gambella

“The government is killing our people through starvation and hunger…We are dying here with our children. Government workers get their salary, but we are just waiting to for death.” 
An Anuak Elder to Human Rights Watch

Although I subscribe to federalism as a form of state and government, I have always been aghast at the poisonous effects of ethnic federalism in Ethiopia. At last, Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn was bold enough to acknowledge and state publicly that ethnic bigotry, arrogance and exclusion emanating from ethnic federalism has become a huge deterrent to Ethiopia’s sustainable and equitable growth; and poses an existential threat to the country. This systemic problem did not emerge out of the blue. Its socioeconomic and political foundation and culture were designed, institutionalized and imposed on Ethiopian society by self-selected elites of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and the ethnic elite coalition it created. The intent of ethnic federalism was to democratize Ethiopian society through the devolution of decision-making authority to the local level. Instead, ethnic-federalism has morphed, with local and regional ethnic elites undoing the social fabric of Ethiopian society in which peaceful coexistence among various ethnic and religious groups was the norm. This tradition of mutual acceptance and peaceful coexistence had distinguished Ethiopia from the rest of Sub-Saharan Africa.

Aklog Birara, PhD

At the heart of the current unraveling is the cumulative impact of 24 years of relentless propagation of ethnic and religious hatred, bigotry, demeaning, exclusion and ethnic cleansing narrated mostly by ethnic leaning intellectuals, academics and political leaders from each ethnic and religious group. These propagators either forgot or accepted intentionally, that eventually but surely, ethnic and or religious hatred would lead to genocide and to total collapse of the entire nation and state. In that event, everyone will lose, including the ruling party. The government of Rwanda learned from the catastrophic lessons of genocide. Wisely, it outlawed political and other organization on the basis of ethnic affiliation. Today, Rwanda is a model of peaceful coexistence and shared growth. It fares better in social and economic indicators than most of Sub-Saharan Africa including Ethiopia. Ghana has done the same.

For the TPLF/EPRDF, the self-made and self-propagated and systemic culture of ethnic hatred, bigotry, exclusion, cleansing and marginalization is a singular political challenge it faces today; and will face in the years ahead. Ethnic elites who have made it rich for themselves do not see anything wrong with the current system for numerous self-serving reasons. Among these is rent-seeking. In a country that is well known for bribery, nepotism and corruption, the motive of using local and regional autonomy and authority to amass wealth at the cost of the vast majority is pervasive and systemic. Ethnic cleansing is justified by demeaning, accusing, and “murdering,” expelling and excluding others on the basis of ethnic and religious affiliation. No one is held accountable. The practice of ethnic cleansing at the local and regional level is not criminalized because central authorities are able to maintain political and economic dominance by appeasing ethnic allies and by pitying one ethnic group against another.

More than three years ago, I wrote a series of commentaries on the subject of ethnic-federalism and its pitfalls. It is virtually impossible for Ethiopia to achieve sustainable and equitable growth without dealing with the pitfalls of ethnic federalism without delay. Among other things, enormous resources are being used to control the society; and are being diverted for private and group gain; and not to advance the common good. Social cohesion is literally shattered. Nothing worthy of commonality is being coveted, encouraged and institutionalized as a national glue except the popular እንጀራና ወጥ. Even if it is system-made and inflicted, Prime Minister Hailemariam is right to air the dangers the country is facing. I urge him and his government to take bold steps now before unintended consequences of balkanization, ethnic war and genocide take place in one of the most important countries in Africa and the world.

In my 2012 commentaries on ethnic federalism, I anticipated the dire consequences of ethnic-federalism in with natural resources capture including land grab. Below, with minor modifications, is the first one of several commentaries that readers may find useful and relevant.

“Anyone who has read the latest Human Rights Watch investigative report on land grab (የመሬት ነጠቃና ቅርሚት) in Gambella under the title “Waiting for Death” should have no doubt that the governing party is callous and does not place value on human life. The people of Gambella who are being moved or relocated “forcibly” are citizens and humans who deserve fair treatment like any human being on this planet. It is their citizenship that is being robbed from them and from their children by repressive ethnic elites that have aligned themselves with loyal domestic and foreign investors such as Saudi Star and Karuturi. Shouldn’t this latest report on social, economic, cultural, political and psychological violations of citizens in Gambella and other regions where similar occurrences are taking place enrage and mobilize us? If such violations do not lead to convergence, what would? My plea to the reader is this. Land and water resource transfers to domestic allies and foreign investors in the name of development that do not show immediate and long-term benefits to the people of Ethiopia, and especially to indigenous or local inhabitants is a travesty. This, in itself, should compel us to close ranks and cooperate and collaborate for justice, freedom and the rule of law. Equally, it is time to speak-up and condemn ethnic cleansing and marginalization.                                                                              sourse http://ecadforum.com/ 

The Cause of Ethiopia’s Recurrent Famine Is Not Drought, It Is Authoritarianism

August 24, 2015

by Dawit Ayele Haylemariam | Huffington Post

Twenty years ago one Ethiopian Diaspora in Washington asked the late Prime minister Meles Zenawi what his vision for the country was. A rather polite and amiable Meles outlined his vision in a very human centered way. He said he hopes that in ten years every Ethiopian will have enough to eat three times a day and after 20 years Ethiopians will not only have enough food but they will also have the luxury of choosing what they eat.

Here we are now. Three years have passed since Meles died in office after 21 years in power. Once again Ethiopia’s food crisis is topping the headline. As seasonal rain fails in Eastern and Southern parts of the country, famine is threatening millions of Ethiopians. The UN estimates over 10 million are in need of emergency food aid.

Why is famine and hunger so common in Ethiopia?

Many experts relate Ethiopia’s cyclical famine with the country’s dependence on Rainfed smallholder agriculture, drought, rapid population growth or agricultural market dysfunctions. Although these factors do have significant role in the matter, they tend to hide the critical cause of hunger in the country – lack of rights and accountable government.

Nobel Prize winner and economist Amartya Sen has extensively analyzed the relationship between democracy and famine in his book Development as Freedom. Sen argues democracies don’t have famines, only authoritarian systems do. Famine tend to happen in places where the victims are oppressed by dictators.

A historical investigation of famine also identified 30 major famines during the 20th century. All happened in countries led by autocratic rule or that were under armed conflict, four being in Ethiopia.

Why does autocracy lead to famine? The most fundamental reason is that autocrats often don’t care enough about the population to prevent famine. Autocrats maintain power through force, not popular approval. This argument has been proven true in the case of Ethiopia.

During 1983-1985 the worst famine in the country’s history had led to more than 400,000 deaths. Extensive investigation by Alexander De Waal in his book Evil Days: Thirty Years of War and Famine in Ethiopia has found “more than half this mortality can be attributed to human rights abuses that caused the famine to come earlier, strike harder, and extend further than would otherwise have been the case.” The military government is not only spent between $100 and $200 million to celebrate the tenth anniversary of the revolution while millions are starving, Mengistu’s regime also attempted to impose customs duties on aid shipments.

Similarly during the 1973-1974 Wollo famine, attempts to hide the reality of the situation by the Imperial Feudal System caused 300,000 deaths. This particular famine was not a problem of food shortage in the country but lack of ability to access food. The Ethiopian Ministry of Agriculture Report of 1972 stated that output for 1972-1973 was only 7% lower than the previous year. Also, food price in Wollo were no higher-often substantially lower-than elsewhere in the country. The problem was the poor just couldn’t afford to buy. Meanwhile, Emperor Haile Selassie spend some $35 million to celebrate his eightieth birthday in 1973.

Unfortunately the trend of autocratic-led hunger has not changed under the current government either, if anything Meles’s regime took it to the next level.

In 2004 Humanitarian Exchange Magazine exposed that disregarding experts advise that the situation in the country was very severe and does qualifies as a famine, the government of Ethiopia and USAID conspired to downplay the 2002-2004 food crisis as “localized famine” in fear of global media attention and political dangers for the EPRDF. The report states “the lack of classic famine images….facilitates further disengagement by the media and Western publics, even as large numbers of vulnerable people face destitution, malnutrition, morbidity and mortality.”

Again 2010 in a report titled Development without Freedom: How Aid Underwrites Repression in Ethiopia, Human Right Watch extensively documented how the EPRDF is using development aid to suppress political dissent by conditioning access to essential safety net programs on support for the ruling party.

Today, once again the danger of another catastrophic famine is looming large on the horizon. Ongoing drought worsened by the El Niño global weather phenomenon has already caused deaths of many cattle and have put as many as 14 million people at risk.

After denying the problem for weeks; the government finally admitted to it but only to claim that it has enough food stock to tackle the problem. However, journalists on the ground has reported the government’s grain reserve has run out long ago. According to Barrie Came, WFP representative, the food supply by the UN is also not enough to curb the problem.

The government also argues the country has already realized food security at a national level, that is to say we have enough food in the country to feed everyone. The inherent flaw in this argument is that the presence of food in the country doesn’t necessarily mean those affected by drought will have access to it. As it was the case during the 1973 Wollo famine, when a crop fails it not only affects the food supply, it also destroys the employment and livelihood of farmers, denying them the ability to buy food from the market.

Reports have also shown that the government was informed of the risk of seasonal rain failure forecast as early as two months ago but it chose to keep it to itself. Had the government shared the information with the media and local governments to inform pastoralists to move their cattle near rivers or highlands, much of the animal loss would have been avoided and relief supports would have been delivered on time.

Democracy can effectively prevent famine

Why is the Ethiopia government acting so irresponsibly? The answer is simple – because there is no incentive for the government to work hard to avert famine. Amartya Sen argument related to absence of political incentives generated by election, multiparty politics and investigative journalism is also true in the case of Ethiopia.

The EPRDF led government has successfully wiped out all groups that might pose any form of threat to its power. Fresh from its 100% “election” victory, with very fragmented opposition parties, no civil society and no scope for uncensored public criticism, Hailemariam’s regime don’t have to suffer the political consequences of its failure to prevent famine.

If there were a democratic system to keep the government accountable, the state’s response would have been much different. For instance, Botswana, like Ethiopia, is prone to drought but a democracy since its independence in 1966, Botswana never had a famine. Botswana’s democratic government immediately deploys relief efforts during every drought, and even improves them from one drought to the next. Had the government in Botswana failed to undertake timely action, there would have been severe criticism and pressure from the opposition and maybe even bigger political cost in future elections. In contrast, the Ethiopian governments did not have to worry with those prospects.

Another Sen’s key argument is information flow and free press – democracy contributes greatly to bring out information that can have an enormous impact on policies for famine prevention. If it weren’t for the foreign media reporting and social media activists outcry, the government might have kept the current problem a secret for long and caused much greater damage than it already has. In Sen’s words “free press and an active political opposition constitute the best early warning system a country threatened by famine can have”

If aid organizations comprehensively and immediately deploy humanitarian assistance, the current crisis could be impelled with minimal damage. However, the argument that famine in Ethiopia is caused by drought doesn’t hold water anymore. Unless the problem is addressed from its roots, another famine is just a matter of time. For Ethiopia to truly achieve food security and avoid any dangers of famine in the future, nothing but building a democratic, transparent and accountable system is the solution.                                                          sourse  http://ecadforum.com/

Police Intercepted 100 Ethiopian Immigrants to Nairobi

August 18, 2015

Police lorry intercepted ferrying 100 Ethiopian immigrants to Nairobi

A General Service Unit lorry carrying 100 Ethiopian immigrants was on Tuesday intercepted in Kangeta, Meru County.

The Ethiopian immigrants in the GSU lorry that was intercepted in Meru County.

The lorry is said to have ferried the immigrants from the Ethiopian border though Moyale and Meru counties using off-road routes.

A Kenyan man, who acted as a guide to the Ethiopians, is the one who reportedly gave directions to the driver, showing which route to follow to avoid being detected.

The lorry was intercepted by Police who were acting on a tip off and taken to Kangeta police station

The Ethiopian immigrants looked exhausted after being on the road for three days. All those arrested were men.

There has been an influx of Ethiopian immigrants in the country, majority of them enroute to South Africa.

Source:http://ecadforum.com/

Heroic devotion for freedom and justice versus best-like ambition for self-interest

August 17, 2015

by T.Goshu

Heroic Devotion for the Sake of Freedom and Justice

It goes without saying that the struggle for making a concerted and relentless effort to make the dream for freedom and justice a reality is now at its very turning point. I do not think there could be any convincing reason to dispute this historic phenomenon than witnessing the heroic steps being taken by sons and daughters of Ethiopia at this critical moment in time. Yes, there could not be any other deeply sensible reason that could make us believe that we are at a very critical turning point than the heroic devotion which is being delivered by those Ethiopians. Yes, there cannot be any other convincing reason for us to stand together with those truly patriotic Ethiopians other than witnessing their incredible determination to accomplish a very noble cause (freedom and justice) to the extent of leaving their decent and well-to-do life styles and their families they do love just like any other loving parent or family member behind. I strongly believe that any Ethiopian with his or her right mind cannot afford not to be deeply inspired by the heroic devotion of those sons and daughters of Ethiopia who are committed to ending the general crisis this generation is facing and bringing about the change the people of Ethiopia truly deserve. Needless to say, there is nothing so honorable and nobler than making a commitment to bringing about a system in which freedom, justice, and human dignity and socio-economic fairness for all citizens should be built on unshakable rule of law, not on the will of individuals and political groupings. Let it straight-forwardly be clear that what I am trying to say does refer to a truly patriotic move by the leaders of Arbegnoch Ginbot 7 Movement for Justice, Freedom and Democracy who are interpreting their words of commitment into concretely verifiable deeds.

I sincerely believe that as the challenges we have come across throughout our political history and particularly for the last two decades of ethnic-based divide and rule are so deep and complex, it would be wrong for us to simply expect kind of miracle from those truly patriotic sons and daughters of Ethiopia who are at the fore-front of the struggle. But, I strongly believe that the very dedication exemplified by those heroic Ethiopians at this political juncture is a very precious opportunity to be seized and exploited appropriately in such a way that not only to get rid of the ethno-centric tyrannical ruling circle but also to change the political culture of non-democratic and tyrannical vicious cycle once and for all. To put it in other words, the only thing that those Ethiopians who genuinely and courageously are dedicated to the realization of a democratic society can do is to show how they are willing and cable of leading by example, not replacing the decisive role to be played by the people themselves. Needless to say that there is an absolute need to rationally and courageously accept that we are at a very critical moment to stand and act together and side with the leadership of those Ethiopians who are ready to pay all the necessary sacrifices needed. Simply put, we cannot afford to continue being victims of the political mentality of wait and see if somebody or certain political groups or great political personalities could make us free and dignified. It does not work that way at all! Yes, history can make its own heroes who do play a role of leadership that is indispensable not only to get rid of the greatest enemies of freedom, justice and human dignity but also to build a system in which the coming generation could live with a real sense of liberty, peace, equal opportunity, rule of law, integrity, and shared prosperity. Put simply, a real sense of leadership is to help the people becoming the sovereign powers of their own destiny. That is what is terribly missing in our political culture. I sincerely believe that that is what those heroic sons and daughters of Ethiopia such as leaders of Arbegnoch Ginbot 7 other opposition movements are committed to paying huge sacrifices for – making sure that that terribly missing critical element of a truly democratic political system is created and built on the foundation that should not be shaken whenever governments come and go.

In the book, BLACK SKIN, WHITE MASKS he wrote it sixty years ago (1952) Frantz Fanon says, “If the question once more arose for me about showing solidarity with a given past, it was because I was committed to myself and my fellow man, to fight with all my life and all my strength so that never again would people be enslaved on this earth.”

I really don’t know what Fanon could exactly say if he would rise from the dead and see the people of Ethiopia who have an exemplary role in the history of anti-colonial and anti-fascist struggle being enslaved by their own indigenous ruling masters in this 21st century. But I would say for sure that he could deeply be shocked and would once again commit himself to fighting on the side of those heroic Ethiopians who put themselves at the very fore-front of the struggle. I sincerely believe that the struggle being carried out by those heroic sons and daughters of Ethiopia, Arbegnoch Ginbot 7 and all other genuinely concerned opposition forces is as powerful and critical as Fanon’s dedication to freedom and justice was. Yes, the heroic sons and daughters of Ethiopia have put themselves at the very practical front of the struggle to bring the very dangerous political game of ethno-centrism to its end once and for all. As there could not be any excuse for not to march together with those truly heroic Ethiopians and shorten the untold misery the people of Ethiopia are suffering from, it is absolutely high time to talk less but to act more, and more, and more.

I do not think we need go far to find words or phrases to express how those compatriots have proven that they are sons and daughters of their motherland (Ethiopia) in deed at this critical moment of in need. Why? Because the very action they have taken speaks loud and clear than words. Put simply, the way they are proving that what they do say is what they do mean is incredibly phenomenal. Will there be setbacks and ups and downs? Of course! Could the setbacks and serious up and downs and their consequences be protracted and unacceptably painful? Well, this necessarily depends on the persistent and decisive participation by the people of Ethiopia who are victims of total dehumanization in their own country of which their forefathers and mothers have paid ultimate sacrifices for its exemplary role in the history of the struggle for independence. Yes, we are and should be proud of the glorious history made by our forefathers/mothers and handed down from generations to generations. But, we must courageously and honestly admit that it is terribly disturbing not to make the glorious history of independence much more glorious with concerted efforts towards establishing an internal political system in which we could live in a real sense of freedom, justice, human dignity, moral values, equal opportunity, and shared prosperity. Agree or disagree, until we courageously and honestly admit that we have to do something meaningfully effective in this regard ( freedom and justice), there is no any reason not see the glorious history of political independence and being proud of one of the sources of ancient civilization will continue badly compromised. Needless to say, it is this generation’s responsibility to resolve this and all other vicious cycles of paradox. History is a root which serves as the source of knowledge where we came from and how we came about, of which in its turn greatly helps to know where we are now and where we want to go, and how we should go about it. Put simply, each generation has its own history to make and its own fate to determine. The very challenging test for this generation is essentially to bring about the political and socio-economic system it truly deserves through a struggle that could require paying all the necessary sacrifices.

Advancing Deadly Beast-like Self-Interest in the Name of Development

There is no doubt that those individuals either in Ethiopia or in the Diaspora who do fall in love with the political system that perpetuate itself by any means including its killing machine are victims of a beastlike mentality of “be part of the plunder whenever your father’s or mother’s house is being plundered regardless of any moral value or real sense of conscience.”

Cadres of TPLF/EPRDF in the Diaspora

Although the level of scope and intensity differs from one period of history and place to the other, the history of politics in general and the political history of our country in particular have never been and would never be free from the struggle between those who do devote themselves to freedom, just and human dignity on one side; and those who do stand against these and other precious values because of their beastlike self-inserts to be fulfilled on the other side. Yes, it is a very sad reality of yesterday and today to see those individuals and groupings selling themselves to any regime that has taken political power regardless of the very question of just or unjust, law of civility or law of savagery, moral or immoral, innocence or guilt, humane or inhumane. Nowadays, we are witnessing the involvement of those victims of senselessly voracious self –interests extremely getting worse than ever as far as the scope and intensity of ethnic –based political suppression and socio-economic cronyism are concerned. It is self-evidently clear that those notoriously monstrous enemies of freedom and justice such as the ruling elites of TPLF/EPRDF are still able to cheaply buy individuals or groupings who are hungry of fulfilling their beastlike self-interests and become carriers of the deadly political virus. It goes without saying that those vectors of a deadly political virus are being bought at the very expenses of the very lives of millions of innocent Ethiopians.

To be straight-forwardly clear, the annual diaspora “festival” which took place in Addis at the national level from August 12-14, 2015 was nothing but the event at which the called diaspora investors would dance with those ethno-centric tyrannical ruling elites for the sake of getting their voraciously beastlike self-interests fulfilled. Simply put, this festival was nothing but a stage at which those Diasporas expressed their thankfulness with their “fantastic” tail-wagging dances to those ruling elites of TPLF/EPRDF for their “generous offer”. It is also true that this was an event at which the inner circle of the ruling elite extended their “great rewards” in appreciation of the unconditional sympathy and support demonstrated by those Diasporas for the perpetuation of ethic –based political suppression and economic plunder. What we as genuinely concerned Ethiopians should be worried is that this evil-driven partnership between the tyrannical ruling circle and those Diasporas whose very common human senses are blinded by beastlike self –interest hunger will go out of control and entail devastating consequence if it is not meaningfully diminished if not stopped right now, not tomorrow. Yes, this incredibly evil-driven festival at which exchange of promises between the ethno-centric tyranny and those dangerously self-centered Diasporas to keep advancing their mutual interests by employing any means including the political killing machine must not only be aborted but it should also be radically rotted- out in such a way that its deadly infectious behavior should not be transmitted to the political system the people of Ethiopia are desperately aspiring and decisively fighting for.

As a matter of fact, the very majority of those who travel to Ethiopia every year, get-together and perform their tail- wagging dances are dangerously parasitic members or cadres of TPLF/EPRDF in the Diaspora. But it is also true that the rest of those who dance every year with the brutal ruling elites and their cadres in the diaspora are victims of their own wild or beastlike self-interests. It is terribly stupid for them to fool the people that they have to dance with the ruling elites and the deadly parasitic cadres in the diaspora because they are interested in investment and helping the “miraculous development”, not in politics as such. Alas! How partnering and dancing with a regime that has no any regard to the very critical factor/master of development (human being) could be a justifiable excuse whatsoever? Are those “investors and developers” telling us that innocent journalists, human rights activists, peacefully dissent members and supporters of opposition parties, activists of religious freedom, and those who are forced by the ruthless ruling elites to wage both civil disobedience and armed means of struggle deserve inhuman treatment because TPLF is showing some sort of investment here and there ? By implication, are those Diasporas telling us that they do not mind who is being victim of a deadly political game and who is carrying out the politically motivated killings as far as their beastlike self-interests are fulfilled? Is this not a very disturbing insult to the innocent people of Ethiopia who are experiencing unprecedented socio-economic destitution as the result of horrible political agenda and practice? Is it not so idiotic for those ruling elites and their cronies in the diaspora to continue their trash propaganda of investment and development where-as the people cannot afford to put something to eat in the hands of their starving children and families leave alone satisfying all other basic necessities?

We constantly hear a very nonsensical argument even from those who claim themselves apolitical intellectuals (I do not really know if it is intellectuality in the real sense e of the tem) that it is wrong either to criticize or blame those Diasporas because they are positive factors of “developmental state” or “developmental ruling elites.” This is really to be much more idiotic than those Diasporas who keep dancing in the glory of an evil- driven political agenda and practice to get the blessing from the inner circle of TPLF/EPRDF to become beneficiaries of chronic cronyism and corruption. Does an argument about helping the people to develop in this kind of horrible environment make any sensible sense? How an “investor or developer” who sympathizes and supports an ethno-centric regime that maintains its power by all ruthless means including its killing machine can be said a partner for advancing the betterment of people’s lives? I strongly argue this is absolutely nonsensical.

It is an ABC of political economy that it is strongly desirable to provide any investor or developer with any opportunity of taking part in any appropriate aspect of socio-economic activity leave alone to those Ethiopians either by citizenship or by birth. That is not what the reality in Ethiopia is if we are not stupidly shrewd and cynical enough. Do those Diasporas have any convincingly justifiable answer if we ask them: why they do choose to stay being allies of a tyrannical and extremely corrupt political system instead of allying themselves with the struggle that is aimed at establishing a system in which all citizens could live with freedom, equal opportunity and shared prosperity? I do understand that they may keep repeating the same nonsensical argument – “we have nothing to do with politics but development.” I once again reiterate that this is absolutely nonsense if not terribly wicked. How any person at least with a real sense of morality can justify the argument about development while he or she sympathizes and supports the state machinery that perpetuate itself by intimidating, harassing, dehumanizing, terrorizing, arbitrarily jailing, torturing, and most disturbingly by killing a human being that has been created to act upon all other naturals resources and to enjoy the fruits of its labor? It must be underscored that even in a kind of benevolent dictatorship (fill up your bellies like any other animal but do not touch my political power) is vulnerable to unrest and rejection leave alone a very extreme case of ours because human beings are not dogs or other animals which are submissive to their masters as long as they are well-fed and well-sheltered. And that is how the very ugly propaganda of showing buildings, roads, dams, selected green sites of agricultural fields , the good for nothing buildings of higher education institutions ,etc. should be exposed and replaced with genuine way of doing things.

Let me sum up by saying that we are at a very critical moment of registering historic victory of freedom that could be achieved only through the victory of heroic devotion over beastlike ambition for voracious self-interest. I am reasonably optimistic that things would change for the better and all the horrible experiences the people of Ethiopia have gone through for so long will be things of the past.          source  http://ecadforum.com/

The secret Jews of Ethiopia

August 16, 2015

Jews of Kechene, Ethiopia pretend to be Christians as they secretly practice Judaism in remote synagogues.

A weaver in Kechene. (photo credit: IRENE ORLEANSKY)

by IRENE ORLEANSKY | The Jerusalem Post

I have always been fascinated by the story of the Beta Israel Jews of Ethiopia.

At the time of the epic Operation Solomon, I was living in Russia. By the time I made aliya, the majority of the Ethiopian Jews were already in Israel. Here in Israel, I met many Ethiopian Jews and my interest in Beta Israel history and traditions became even stronger.

This is how one day, while reading a journey diary written in 1910 by the prominent European scholar Jacob Faitlovitch, I read his account of an encounter with a group of Falashas residing in the highlands of North Shewa region of Ethiopia, an area between Gondar, where most Jews lived, and the capital of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa.

It took Faitlovitch some time to win the trust of these Falashas, to get any information from them. Finally, they revealed to him that they had come to North Shewa from the Dembiya region near Gondar, mostly at the time of Emperor Menelik II’s rule.

In his account, Faitlovitch discussed the difficulties they faced, which pushed them to pretend to be Christians.

“These Falashas live in a relationship of dependence and a lack of freedom which almost borders with slavery and they are strictly forbidden to ever leave the boundaries of the Shewa. Only rarely some of them succeed to move away secretly from the Shewa and to return to their homeland, where they will live again in the Falasha community as Jews.”

Faitlovitch expected this group to vanish in two generations, due to assimilation and persecution. More than two generations passed since that time.

Fortunately nowadays, access to information is much easier than at the time of Faitlovitch. With the help of the Internet, I contacted a group of Jews in the Kechene neighborhood of the northern part of Addis Ababa, who claim to be descendants of Beta Israel who migrated from Gondar to North Shewa.

I went on a long journey, not only a geographically but also in time.

The first historical account of Jewish presence in Ethiopia came from a 10th-century Jewish merchant and traveler Eldad Ha-Dani. He recounts that when the Northern Kingdom tribes of Israel went to war against the Southern Kingdom tribe of Judah, the Danites, who were renowned as skilled warriors, refused to fight against their kinsmen and left Israel for Egypt. They continued their journey until they reached the land of Cush where they finally settled.

According to their oral history, the Beta Israel of North Shewa settled in Kechene when Menelik II decided to build his new palace in Entoto, north of today’s Addis Ababa. Menelik II needed them for their skills in crafts to build his palaces and produce weapons.

For years, the Jews of Kechene continued practicing Judaism in secret, following the  instructions of the leaders who still remained in North Shewa. However, recently a group of young people of Kechene have decided to disclose their faith. They have opened a synagogue right in the heart of Kechene, creating serious tensions between the youth and the elders.

They call their synagogue Bet Selam, the House of Peace. Thanks to modern technologies, these young Jews have learned about the world Jewish community and modern Jewish practices. In their synagogue, they combine pre-Talmudic practices of their forefathers that trace back to the times of the First Temple and modern rabbinical Jewish practices which they have learned about from the Internet and from visitors.

Kechene is the neighborhood of craftsmen, Bal Ej in Amharic. Men mainly work as weavers and blacksmiths and the women work as potters.

Similar to the Beta Israel community in Gondar, Bal Ej are slandered asbuda, or evil eyed. Their neighbors believe that they are humans at day and hyenas by night. They believe that eye contact with Bal Ej can bring illness or even death. Suspicions remain even among those who are educated, like civil servants and university professors. They avoid approaching Kechene attach a clove of garlic to their arm to protect them from the evil eye if they have to visit the neighborhood.

Even though Bal Ej provide Addis Ababa and surrounding areas with clothes, utensils and blacksmith products, they cannot sell their products on their own at markets. Instead, they are forced to sell their items through Christian merchants, which causes them to lose as much as 80 percent of the product price. However the difficulties that people of Kechene are going through, cannot be compared to those experienced by craftsmen from the community who still live in towns and villages of North Shewa.

I visited Morat, a small town of North Shewa, where the Beta Israel community first settled when they migrated from Gondar. Most of them are blacksmiths and potters. Almost every month, a member of the community is murdered or has property is destroyed since the Christian neighbors believe each time a person gets sick or dies, it is because of the curse of the “hyena people.” They randomly choose a victim to avenge. Most of the crimes committed against Bal Ej of North Shewa remain unpunished. The police allows murderers to escape or simply fail to investigate the crimes.

Life in this town is a life of fear since nobody knows who will be the next victim. To reduce the danger to some degree, community members pretend to be Christians. They go to church on Sunday, but attend hidden synagogues on Saturday.

When I interviewed the community members, we had to change topic whenever a stranger entered the room. To protect their secret, I pretended to be an American visitor, since the word Israel itself can raise eyebrows.

The biggest challenge was garnering a visit to the synagogues. The locations kept under strict secrecy and visitors are not welcome. It took a long time to build the trust and confidence of elders in order to gain permission to visit a few.

The synagogues are located deep in the mountains and getting there requires a long, tiring and sometimes dangerous trek. This strategy of building synagogues in remote and inaccessible places has protected the community for centuries.

The compound does not contain Jewish symbols. This is for two reasons. The first is to stave off unwelcome attention from hostile neighbors. The second is that most modern Jewish symbols, such as the Star of David, are simply unknown to the members of the community.

There are two entrances to the synagogue, one for men and another for women. Most of the prayers are conducted in Ge’ez, the liturgical language of Beta Israel. Surprisingly, the spoken language of many community elders is Quarenya, a language of an area near Dembiya.

Another interesting feature of the synagogues is that they are always located near a river because the Jews of North Shewa strictly observe the Biblical laws of ritual purity, or niddah. To observe the laws of niddah, amenstruating woman stays in a separate house for seven days. After the seven days she immerses in the river and can then join the rest of the community.

The members of the secret synagogues practice pre-Talmudic Judaism, and therefore practice of animal sacrifice for Passover and other occasions. I had a chance to witness the process of sheep slaughter, which corresponds to the laws of Kashrut. It was reminiscent of the traditions of other ancient Jewish communities, such as Bukharian Jews of Central Asia.

Even though the community has strong historical evidence of their connection to the Beta Israel of Gondar as well as a remarkable resemblance to their traditions, the community remains unknown to the most of the Jewish world.

The chances of the Beta Israel of North Shewa gaining recognition from the Israeli government seems slim. Currently, 6,000 Falash Mura are still waiting to emigrate to Israel, some for 10 to 20 years at the compound near the Israeli embassy in Addis Ababa.

To generate awareness of this amazing community, I decided to make a documentary about this community – their culture, traditions, music and struggle to survive and preserve their identity. The film is called Bal Ej: The hidden Jews of Ethiopia and it is due to be released at the beginning of 2016.

The Beta Israel of North Shewa are as important to us as we are to them. It is now our turn and obligation to bring the remaining Jews of Ethiopia back to Israel and ensure that both their lives and traditions from Ethiopia are not endangered.

Source:http://ecadforum.com/

Ethiopia: The Trial of Abubaker Ahmed et al

August 14, 2015

Ethiopia must avoid a symbolic miscarriage of justice

Addis Standard Editorial

Monday July 6, 2015 was an important milestone in a court case that has been simmering since Ethiopia’s crackdown on Muslim protestors that began on July 19th 2012. The trial that followed became yet another high profile court case involving the government and a group of individuals; only this time the latter are no journalists, bloggers or opposition political party members; they are no ordinary citizens either. Many of them include members of an arbitration committee who volunteered to seek solutions to bridge the widening gap between the Muslims and the government in Ethiopia that started surfacing in December 2011.

Abubaker Ahmed

In the months preceding the government’s eventual crackdown on members of the arbitration committee and protestors, hundreds of thousands of Ethiopian Muslims particularly in Addis Abeba were staging a non-violent sit-in protest every Friday. They were demanding the restoration of the Awoliya College and Secondary School administration sacked by the government in Dec. 2011; a free election without the interference of the government to replace members of the Islamic Supreme Council (Mejlis), again sacked by the government; and an end to the government’s attempt to publish and distribute books which carry a new Islamic teaching called Al-Habesh.

The crackdown quickly turned into a protracted court case that presented another example of how Ethiopia uses its anti-terrorism law to prosecute and convict activists that the government often refers to as criminals linked to terrorist organizations.

Negotiators-turned-‘terrorists’

By the law of the land the government (through the mechanism of its law and order enforcement machinery) has the right to detain, investigate and bring to the court of law individuals or groups who it deems are posing grave danger to citizens. But what makes the case for Abubakar Ahmed et al a disturbing act of excess by the government is that for the months preceding their arrest the government has recognized and was negotiating with them as duly elected representatives of Muslims at least in Addis Abeba. By charging them with terrorism, it turned yesterday’s negotiators to today’s ‘terrorists.’

Torture and all that followed

This magazine learned that following their arrest until defendants were first brought to a court of law a series of procedural and substantive violations took place. Defendants were subjected to torture that included mock executions, placement in solitary confinement for extended periods of time and deprivation of food and sleep. They were told by their interrogators that torture would become the only standard treatment they will be entitled to unless they confessed and implicated themselves and others in the charges they were accused of, terrorism.

The right to presumption of innocence and public trial

Their basic right to presumption of innocence was severely violated when security agents in collaboration with the Ethiopian Radio and Television Agency recorded and released to the public the infamous documentary, Jihadawi Harekat, before detainees had the chance to appear in court. The documentary portrayed the detainees as being a part of a wider network of global Jihadi organizations.

At all times over the last three years during the trial defense lawyers were denied advance information regarding the governments’ case against their clients, incapacitating their ability to prepare for the trial. The right for a public trial of defendants was also violated – a proceeding that allowed breaches and irregularities that would have otherwise been impossible in a public hearing.

Botched trial

The trial was characterized by innumerable procedural irregularities. Major among them were: the use of short clips from post-torture videos as evidence; the identity of witnesses was not verified by either the court or prosecutors, despite requests from defense counsel; one witness testified that he was tortured for about a month before he agreed to testify against defendants – the court terminated his witness account; and in instances when witnesses failed to identify the “correct” person the court ordered the deletion of the entire testimony from the court file.

Violations of the right to counsel

For two months following their detention defendants were not allowed to communicate with legal counsel; and Since September 2014 defendants’ attorneys were subjected to additional restrictions that made their job extremely difficult; defendants’ attorneys were also prohibited from meeting their clients without the presence of prison guards; and documents passed on by defendants to their attorneys were subjected to inspection and at times confiscation without formal process, notice or acknowledgement.

Verdict regardless of caution

The trial of Abubakar Ahmed et al has attracted global condemnation and has seen a sustained social media campaign from thousands of Ethiopian Muslims. In Feb 2015 the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights (the African Commission) had issued its “first-ever provisional measures against Ethiopia” demanding the government in Ethiopia to “investigate claims that the [defendants] have been tortured and guarantee respect for fair trial rights in their cases.” Countless human rights activists and organizations have also been expressing deep concern over procedural irregularities. Although Ethiopia is a party to the African Commission the government hasn’t responded to the provisional measures it was requested to. Instead a court in Addis Abeba has adjourned the case until August 4th to convict defendants after it found them guilty of the charges against them on July 16th.

By the time this magazine is in newsstands, the defendants will have been convicted, sadly. But if anything this case represents a gross miscarriage of justice and characterizes the near collapse of the rule of law that Ethiopia must void at any cost.

sourse  http://ecadforum.com/