የነጻነት ቀን ቀርባለችና ጸንታችሁ ቁሙ! (እየሩሳሌም ተስፋው — ከቃሊቲ ማጎሪያ ቤት፣ አዲስ አበባ)

እየሩሳሌም ተስፋው (ከቃሊቲ ማጎሪያ ቤት፣ አዲስ አበባ)

እነሆ በጨለማ ቤት ውስጥ ከታጎርን 311 ቀናት ሞሉን፡፡ ጊዜው እንዴት ይሮጣል ባካችሁ? የዛሬ አመት በዚህ ወቅት ከጓደኞቼ ጋር በዝዋይ እስር ቤት የሚገኙትን ጀግኖቻችንን ለመጠየቅና እንኳን አደረሳችሁ ለማለት የገና ዋዜማን በዝዋይ ወህኒ ቤት ተገኝተን ነበር፡፡ ግን ምኞታችን ቅዠት ሆኖ ያሰብነው ሳይሳካ አንድም የፖለቲካ እስረኛ ማግኘት ሳንችል በሩን ተሳልመን ተመለስን፤ መጠየቅ አትችሉም ተብለን፡፡

የገና ዕለትም እንደለመድነው ከጀግኖቻችን ጋር ለማሳለፍ መጀመሪያ በቂሊንጦ ወህኒ ቤት፣ ቀጥሎ የስድስት ሰዓት ተጠያቂዎች ናቸውና የቃሊቲ ጀግኖቻችን ከእነሱ ጋር በማሳለፍ ለማስታወሻ ይሆነን ዘንድ እዚሁ ቃሊቲ በር ላይ ተሰባስበን ፎቶ ተነሳን፡፡ ያ በዓል ለእኔ እና ለአባሪዎቼ የመጨረሻ በዓላችን ነበር፡፡ ሆኖም በዓሁኑ ሰዓት በዚያ ፎቶ ላይ ተሰባስበን ከተነሳነው ስንት ሰው እንደሆነ በሰፊው እስር ቤት የቀረው እናንተው ማየት ትችላላችሁ፡፡ (ፎቶ ከተገኘ ማለቴ ነው)

ግማሾቻችን ቃሊቲ፣ ግማሾቹ ቂሊንጦ፣ ግማሾቹ ማዕከላዊ፣ ግማሾቹ ሸዋሮቢት ታጉረዋል፤ የቀሩትም ከሀገር ተሰደዋል፣ አንድ ሁለት ቆራጦች ደግሞ በፈታኝ ሁኔታ ውስጥ ሀገር ቤት ሊኖሩ ይችላሉ፡፡ ይህ ነው የኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ መጨረሻ! መታሰር አልያም ከሀገር መሰደድ! በቅርቡ የማደንቃቸውና የማከብራቸው ጓደኞቼ ወደ ማዕከላዊ መግባታቸውን ስሰማ በጣም አመመኝ፡፡ በእርግጥ ወያኔ በስልጣን ላይ እስካለ ድረስ መታሰር አዲስ አይደለም፡፡ ከመታሰርም በላይ ወንድማችን ሳሙኤል አወቀ በአሰቃቂ ሁኔታ ተገድሏል፤ በኦሮሚያ ያለውን ግድያ የምናውቀው ነው፡፡ ግን እስከመቼ ግፉ ይቀጥላል? እስከመቼስ በዚህ ሁኔታ ጀግኖቻችንን እያስበላን እንቀጠላለን? እስከመቼስ መረጃ ምንጮቻችን የሆኑት ሚዲያዎች ሲታገዱ እንታገሳለን? እስከመቼ በፍርሃት ቆፈን ተቀፍድደን እንቀመጣለን? እስከመቼ እስሩና ግድያው የእኛን ቤት እስኪያንኳኳ እንጠብቃለን?

ለመሆኑ ቆርጠን ተነስተን ወያኔን ታግለን እንዳንጥል ያደረገን ምንድነው? ከአፍሪካ የስልጣኔ እና የነጻነት ፈር ቀዳጅ ተምሳሌት እንዳልነበርን ዛሬ ከጎረቤት ኬንያ እንኳን አንሰን ስንገኝ ምን ይባላል? አዎ በረባ ባረባው ለራሳችን የምንሰጠው ምክንያት ወደኋላ እየጎተተን ይገኛል፡፡ ልጄ፣ ሚስቴ፣ ባሌ፣ ልጄ፣ እናቴ፣ አባቴ…ስንል ኢትዮጵያ የምትባል ሀገር ከካርታ ላይ እንዳትጠፋብን እሰጋለሁ፡፡ የኢትዮጵያዊነት የጀግንነት ስሜቱ ወዴት ገባ? እድሜ ልክ በፍርሃት ከመኖር አንድ ቀን በጀግንነት መኖር አይሻልምን? ኸረ ንቃ ወገኔ…ተነስ! በቃ እኔ የምልህ ንቃ ነው!

ይህን የምልህ አንዳንድ የአዲስ አበባ ካድሬዎች በወያኔ ቴሌቪዥን እንደሚሉት አውሮፓ ተቀምጬ አይደለም፡፡ እዚሁ በግፍ እስር ላይ ሆኜ እንጂ! ተነስ የምልህ ፈርቼ በማፈግፈግ ሳይሆን ደፍሬ ከፊት በመቆም ነው፡፡ የጀመርኩት የነጻነት ትግል፣ የነጻነት መንገድ አለና ከዳር አድርስልኝ ነው የምልህ! በአንድ ወቅት የዛን ዘመኑ አሸባሪና የአሁን ዘመኑ የሰላም ኖቬል ተሸላሚ ኔልሰን ማንዴላ (ነፍሳቸውን በገነት ያኑርልንና) እንዲህ ብለው ነበር፤ ‹‹ማንኛውም ህዝብ ሁለት ምርጫ ፊቱ ላይ የሚደቀንበት ጊዜ ይመጣል፡፡ እጅ መስጠት ወይም መሳሪያ ማንሳት? እኛም ሁለተኛውን ምርጫ እንድንመርጥ ተገድደናል›› ብለው ነበር፡፡ እኔም ኢትዮጵያዊነት አልደፈርም፣ አትንኩኝ ባይነት መሆኑን ተረድቼዋለሁና፣ እጅ መስጠት እንኳን ለእኔ ኢትዮጵያዊነት ገብቶኛል ለምለው ይቅርና ለአንድ ጨቅላ ህጻን ልጅ እጅ መስጠት ማለት ሞት ነውና ልክ እንደ ማንዴላ ሁለተኛውን ምርጫ እንድመርጥ ተገድጃለሁ፣…መሳሪያ ማንሳት!

ምንም እንኳ አሁን ላይ በወያኔ እጅ ወድቄ በዚህ ጨለማ ወህኒ ቤት ብገኝም ራዕዬ ትልቅ ነውና ብዙ በመንገዴ እየሄደበት ይገኛል፡፡ አዎ ዛሬ አካሌ እዚህ ቢገኝም ልቤ ባህርን ተሻግሮ ኤርትራ በርሃ ውስጥ ከጀግኖቹ መንደር ይገኛል፤ ወደ ኢትዮጵያ ከሚገሰግሱት ከነዚያ ልበ-ሙሉዎች ጋር የእኔ ልብ!

በመጨረሻም፣ ማንም ሰው ጀግና ነሽ፣ ጎበዝ ነሽ አይበለኝ! እኔ በሴትነቴ የጀመርኩትን እናንተም ተከተሉኝ፡፡ ልብ ከቆረጠ ሊገታው የሚችለው ምንም ኃይል የለምና! በዚያ በስቃይ ቤት ከማንም ሳትገናኙ መምሸቱንም መንጋቱንም ለምርመራ ስትወጡ ብቻ እያያችሁ በዓሉን የምታሳልፉት የምወዳችሁ ጓደኞቼ አይዟችሁ በርቱልኝ እላለሁ! የማያልፍ የለም!! የነጻነት ጊዜ ቀርባለችና ጸንታችሁ በአቋም ቁሙ! የኢትዮጵያ አምላክ ከእናንተ ጋራ ይሁን!!                              source ecdeff

Human Rights Watch calls on Ethiopia to release unjustly detained opposition figures

ESAT News (January 07, 2016)

The Human Rights Watch called on the Ethiopian government on Thursday to release all political prisoners and stop the use of lethal force against protesters. It also demanded the regime to allow peaceful protest.

“The Ethiopian government should release unjustly detained opposition figures including Bekele Gerba, deputy chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), and rein in the excessive use of lethal force by the security forces. They should also allow people to peacefully protest and to express dissent and ensure that farmers and pastoralists are protected from arbitrary or forced displacement without consultation and adequate compensation,” HRW said in a dispatch by Felix Horne, researcher for the Horn of Africa.

“These steps would be an important way to show Oromo protesters that the government is changing tack and is genuinely committed to respecting rights. Without this kind of policy shift, desperate citizens will widen their search for other options for addressing grievances,” the dispatch said.

The report recalled that over the past eight weeks, Ethiopia’s largest region, Oromia, has been hit by a wave of mass protests over the expansion of the municipal boundary of the capital, Addis Ababa. The generally peaceful protests were sparked by fears the expansion will displace ethnic Oromo farmers from their land, the latest in a long list of Oromo grievances against the government.

It said the crisis has taken another worrying turn: on December 23, the authorities arrested Bekele Gerba, deputy chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), Oromia’s largest legally registered political party. There had been fears he would be re-arrested as the government targets prominent Oromo intellectuals who they feel have influence over the population. He was first taken to the notorious Maekalawi prison, where torture and other ill-treatment are routine. The 54-year-old foreign language professor was reportedly hospitalized shortly after his arrest but his whereabouts are now unknown, raising concerns of an enforced disappearance. Other senior OFC leaders have been arbitrarily arrested in recent weeks or are said to be under virtual house arrest.

This is not the first time Bekele has been arrested. In 2011, he was convicted under Ethiopia’s draconian counterterrorism law of being a member of the banned Oromo Liberation Front – a charge often used to silence politically engaged ethnic Oromos who oppose the ruling Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). He spent four years in prison and was only released shortly before the elections last May. The OFC ran candidates but the EPRDF coalition won all 547 parliamentary seats, a stark reflection of the unfair electoral playing field.

Bekele is deeply committed to nonviolence and has consistently advocated that the OFC participate in future elections, despite the EPRDF’s stranglehold on the political landscape.

By treating both opposition politicians and peaceful protesters with an iron fist, the government is closing off ways for Ethiopians to nonviolently express legitimate grievances. This is a dangerous trajectory that could put Ethiopia’s long-term stability at risk, the report said.

Security forces have killed at least 140 protesters and injured many more, according to activists, in what may be the biggest crisis to hit Ethiopia since the 2005 election violence.

protesters in Ethiopia reject authoritarian development model

Posted by: ecadforum December 20, 2015

The Oromo students’ defiant protests are a response to decades of systemic and structural marginalization

by Awol Allo | Al Jazeera

Social media is full of images of dead and injured students from Ethiopia’s Oromia state. At least 50 protesters have been killed, hundreds injured and thousands more arrested in monthlong protests across the region. Tensionsescalated sharply this week after authorities accused the demonstrators of terrorism and confirmed deploying military forces.

The government continues to take a hard line. On Dec. 17, Communications Minister Getachew Reda described the protesters as “terrorists” and “demonic.” Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn has threatened to take “merciless action against any force bent on destabilizing the area,” echoing pronouncements by the country’s counterterrorism task force, which has promised “legal and proportionate” measures.

This is an old tactic in Ethiopia, where protests and public proclamation of dissent are criminalized. Addis Ababa often dismisses genuine local grievances as evil designs of anti-development elements.  Over the last decade, the government in Addis Ababa used the “war on terrorism” and the rhetoric of development to silence independent voices and curtail democratic debate. The press is effectively muzzled, and independent civic and political organizations face an array of government tactics, including manipulation, co-optation and violent repression.

The immediate trigger for the crisis is the Integrated Regional Development Plan for Addis Ababa and the Surrounding Oromia Region, commonly known as the Master Plan, which aims to expand the Ethiopian capital’s jurisdiction to Oromia. But the movement is a reflection of long-simmering ethnic tensions and deeper historical injustices. The Oromo, who constitute nearly half of Ethiopia’s 100 million people, have long been pushed to the periphery of Ethiopia’s economic, social and political life. The anger and defiance of the last few weeks is a spontaneous response to decades of systemic and structural marginalization of the Oromo.

Despite the government’s claim, the ongoing largely peaceful protests pose no threat to Ethiopia’s economic or national security interests. However, the government’s heavy-handed crackdown on protesters and the implementation of the Master Plan presents a clear and present danger to the well-being of the Oromo.

Why are Oromos protesting?

These protests are not new. In April and May 2014, similar protests broke out when the government unveiled the controversial Master Plan. Dozens of people were killed and many more wounded. Authorities insist that the draft plan will better coordinate development activities and facilitate the delivery of public services to remote areas. The protesters say it is a blueprint for annexation and will displace millions of Oromo farmers.

Addis Ababa, one of the fastest-growing cities in the world, faces a population explosion. The city has sprawled into neighboring Oromo villages, farmlands and forests. In the last 10 years, more than 150,000 Oromo farmers have been evicted from their ancestral lands without adequate compensation and proper relocation. Displaced farmers are becoming daily laborers on lands taken from them. Oromo activists and opposition politicians fear that the Master Plan will lead to a new and unrestrained land grab that could radically alter the region’s demographics and cultural makeup. The protesters say such expansion would cleanse the Oromo people and culture from the area.

Addis Ababa lies in the heart of Oromia. The Ethiopian Constitution recognizes the state’s “special interest” over the city and mandates Parliament to enact laws that would regulate the “provision of social services or the utilization of natural resources” between Oromia and Addis Ababa. However, two decades after the constitution’s adoption, no such laws have been enacted. Meanwhile, Addis Ababa’s expansion into surrounding Oromo towns continues unabated. This advance, which is in part fueled by demand for land by foreign and private investment, has had serious economic and ecological consequences for the area.

Human-centered development

The government has appealed to developmental goals to silence such concerns, but its approach to development is narrow. Ethiopia follows a developmental state model that doesn’t guarantee democratic participation and representative procedures necessary to scrutinize the legality, viability and proportionality of state-led projects. Its five-year Growth and Transformation Plan is mainly funded by foreign aid, including from the United States. The plan envisions the relocation of people from lands slated for infrastructure construction, industrial parks and large-scale agricultural development. These programs are often implemented through intimidation, violence and other repressive tactics.

Ethiopia happens to be a key U.S. ally in the “war on terrorism.” In 2006 the U.S. provided technical and financial support for Ethiopia’s invasion of Somalia under the pretext of targeting the Somali armed group Al-Shabab. Since 2011, the U.S. has been flying armed reaper drones from bases in Ethiopia as part of its counterterrorism mission in East Africa. Washingtonacknowledges the ruling party’s increasingly authoritarian tactics but has consistently ignored human rights concerns. The U.S. State Department on Friday expressed concern about reports of deaths and urged the Ethiopian government “to permit peaceful protest and commit to a constructive dialogue.”

The protesters oppose policies that disregard the will of the people. They are calling for a system grounded in fair processes, driven by equitable outcomes and the effective participation of affected communities in defining the scope of development programs. In short, they want a human-centered development that places people at the center of government policies and programs and allows everyone to get a fair share of what belongs to all.

These protests are unprecedented in many ways. They are broad based and resilient as well as creative. They are using roadblocks, sit-ins, lunch boycotts and striking hand gestures and other symbols of civil disobedience to capture asymmetries of power and governance.

Their nonviolent resistance transcends deep political fault lines and is building interethnic solidarity among Ethiopia’s key political players. Over the last two weeks, several non-Oromo political parties and civic organizations have expressed solidarity with the protesters. This in and of itself is a remarkable achievement in a country sharply divided along ethnic lines.

This movement may not end the subordination of the Oromo people and the displacement of its farmers, but its legacy will endure. It leaves behind traces and reminders that will serve as the seedbed of indignation and frustration, providing inspiration for future struggles for equality and justice in Ethiopia

“Oromo and Amhara will not fight” Protesters message to TPLF

Let Us Take Warning: It is a Dangerous Time for Ethiopia

Posted by: Obang Metho December 11, 2015

SMNE Press Release

Washington, DC- On Wednesday, December 9, 2015 a group of courageous Oromo students from the Addis Ababa Science and Technology University made a strong statement of protest on behalf of Ethiopians at risk throughout the country!

As planned in advance, these students arrived early at the school’s dining room. They took their food, sat down and then prayed together to God for their fallen brethren who had been killed and for the nation under attack. They then got up from their tables and left the food untouched; asking how they could eat while 15 million Ethiopians were at risk of starving in the coming months; while millions of farmers were losing their land; while thousands were in jail; and while tens were being killed for peacefully demanding their rights.

Their model of prayer, followed by peaceful and compassionate convicted action, is inspirational and one from which we can all learn. Its message, perhaps by plan, is not only geared to one ethnicity, one region or one religious group. Instead, it gives acknowledgement to the present and potential suffering of countless diverse Ethiopians due to famine, displacement, imprisonment and death at the hands of a government that is supposed to protect its people.

Ethiopia has been a country of disconnected parts; grieving, protesting, and suffering within those parts during one’s own season of difficulty. When the current ethnic apartheid regime of the TPLF/EPRDF came into power in 1991 the TPLF targeted their own people who opposed them, then it was the Amhara they viewed as the enemy, then the professors at the University of Addis Ababa followed by the students who protested in reaction to it; then the Sidamo, the Anuak, the Kinijit election protestors, the Ethiopian Somalis in the Ogaden, the Afar, the Majanger, the people of Benishangul-Gumuz, the Berta in the South, the farmers on the border with Sudan, the Muslims, the journalists, democracy activists, opposition party leaders, city-dwellers, people of the Omo Valley and all along, the Oromo and too many others to mention them all.

The actions and words of these students connect the parts and the seasons together. Can we Ethiopians see the suffering of our people as a whole or only as it happens to us or our own ethnic groups? Could God use the tragic images of our young people, whose bodies have been riveted with bullets and their blood covering their stilled bodies, as a bridge to feeling the sorrow of someone outside our own ethnic background? Could God use the threat of a far-reaching famine to help us to see the value of all our people—that someone else’s “season” of suffering is of concern to oneself?

Do members of the TPLF Central Committee grieve for the starving children? Do they see their own son’s and daughter’s in the death of the promising university student who was shot dead for simply standing up for their God-given rights, many of these rights being part of the Ethiopian Constitution? Do they put themselves in the shoes of the student activist, recently arrested for peacefully protesting? Do they feel ashamed of robbing the poor farmer of his land or the city-dweller their homes so they can individually prosper? Are they convicted of pretending that the voices of strength are terrorists so their influence can be eliminated? Are they afraid what might happen in reaction to the injustices, corruption and lies they have committed? Will they be able to face reports of millions of Ethiopians dying largely because of their lies, inaction and failure to care about others? They could have helped create the breadbasket of abundance in Ethiopia; but instead, they stole the land, the dreams and the future of our people. How will they deal with this in the quiet moments of their lives?

Lest any of the rest of us feel superior, judgmental only of the TPLF/EPRDF; we, the people of Ethiopia, must also question ourselves. Have we simply dwelt on our own part or ethnic group? Have we cried only during our own season of grief, suffering and persecution and ignored the rest? What kind of people are we to be? Let us cry for our lack of caring. Let us weep for those we hated so much we forgot about their humanity. Let us repent of our callousness.

The ethnic apartheid regime of the TPLF/EPRDF can serve our impulse to project all the blame on them; thereby minimizing our own inaction, lack of compassion or unwillingness to forgive whole groups of people within our country. They are an easy target, but let us think about who God wants us to become rather than how we can advance ourselves at the cost to others. We need reconciliation; not only between our people, but with God—do we not? Let us not only blame the TPLF/EPRDF. Let us look into our own hearts, souls and minds and be convicted of our own shortcomings. We Ethiopians are failing at many points. How can we recover, or be made anew, since many will question if we ever had what we seek now? If we do not change, how can we bring about a New Ethiopia? Think on these things as we enter a very dangerous period of time ahead where our action or inaction could either bring about the destruction of our people and country by our own hands or a country where we can live and thrive together.

Ethiopians are in crisis and we see a reaction to it unfolding before our eyes; not only among these students, but in protests igniting across Ethiopia. They are taking place on many university campuses like in Ambo, Haromaya, Bule Hora, Addis Ababa, Mekelle, Jimma, and Dila. Although our youth are leading these protests; it is not only our youth who can no longer hide their growing frustrations with the repressive TPLF/ERPDF regime. Others are joining them from the local communities. The simmering tensions of the past years are erupting, but mostly in peaceful demonstrations like the one mentioned; however, federal police, military and security agents who see it as a threat to their power, have used fatal force in some cases, killing some students and injuring many others.

Let us take warning. It is a dangerous time. This is not only because of the likely strong-armed reaction from the TPLF/EPRDF; but also because a disjointed movement without a central command, shared goals and foundational principles based on God’s truth about the value of every human being, regardless of our differences, can easily be defeated, hijacked by power-hungry and self-seeking others or devolve into something catastrophic that none of us want to see happen to our people and to our country.

There is reason for serious concern related to all three possibilities. What will you do? As for us in the SMNE, we will try to continue to do our share and encourage people to start crossing bridges to talk with each other rather than about each other. This is the beginning of building a harmonious, more just, inclusive, peaceful and prosperous society for all; not only for one ethnic group or a few elite from that group.

We call on the TPLF/ERPDF to restrain yourselves. Do not kill or injure our precious students. Too much blood has already been spilt on this land and too many tears shed by our mothers. Today, this text was received from one of these mothers. She said: “I sent my son to school in October; I received his body back for burial in December.” This could be any mother or father. This could be anybody’s child, including your own—the daughters and sons of the TPLF leaders. How many more Ethiopians will receive their loved ones coming back to their homes in boxes? It must stop.

You, the leaders of TPLF rose up to take on injustice when you were young. Just like your own children, these young people are full of dreams and hope for a better Ethiopia; but if they are thwarted at every turn, we will all lose, including you. Rend your hearts, make changes and bring reforms. Do not hold onto empty, meaningless things that will make you empty people; holding “everything” but having no hope or future. Reform yourselves first and let us Ethiopians do the same. We are in an impossible situation to resolve without violence unless God convicts each of us of what we must do and we listen. Ask for forgiveness and forgive your brothers and sisters. Correct wrongs done in the past to the best of your ability.

Think about the death toll from the famine and of the dying or orphaned children. Can you handle the accusations once all is known? Can you face yourself, your family, your Creator? The outcome from repressing the reality of a famine and hunger is unthinkable! Do not do it! Change! You can be restored! Give freedom and justice to all people equally. Think on these things! Not just you, but let us all think on these things! Put humanity before ethnicity or any other differences; caring about their freedom as we care about our own because no one ethnic group is free until all ethnic groups are free!

May God bring healing to the wounds of Ethiopians so we can rise up, not alone, but together; not in protest, but in joy!

Thank you for what each of you is willing to do to bring God’s peace, justice, freedom and love to Ethiopia.

May the ancient and living God who watches over Ethiopia teach us a better way! May He renew our land and restore His people! Let us open our eyes and our ears to the truth that truly sets us free at last!

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I am appealing to each of you to forward it to all your friends. If you do, you will not just be giving a voice to our beautiful people, but you would be doing justice to our humanity. Knowing the truth is overcoming the first obstacle to freedom!

Thanks so much for your never-ending support. Don’t give up. Keep your focus on the bigger picture and reach out to others and listen! Care about those who are suffering. Think about our family of Ethiopians and humanity throughout the world—they are YOU! There is no “us” or “them.” This is at the heart of the SMNE.

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For more information, contact Mr. Obang Metho, Executive Director of the SMNE. Email: Obang@solidaritymovement.org                                                                        source  http://ecadforum.com/ 

Addis Ababa University student’s joined the countrywide protest.

Hailemariam Desalegn Warns Saudi Arabia And UAE

Posted by: ecadforum December 2, 2015

AFRICANGLOBE – Ethiopian Prime Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, has told a local private newspaper that Saudi Arabia and the UAE will bear the consequences of Ethiopia’s response if their operation in and around Eritrea’s Port of Assab supports the ‘Eritrean regime’s destabilization agenda against Ethiopia.’ He made the remarks after a recent United Nations monitoring group report indicates that Saudi Arabia and the UAE have leased the Port of Assab for 30 years from the Eritrean government in their coalition to fight the Houthis in Yemen.

“They have assured us that they would not be engaged in activities that would endanger the peace and security of Ethiopia. They have said this is only a choice of tactical convenience to their operation in Yemen and that they would evacuate the area as soon as the mission is completed,” Hailemariam told The Reporter newspaper. “We have also stressed that they will bear the consequences of our response if their operation in the area supports the Eritrean regime’s destabilization agenda against Ethiopia. Although we understand their objective, we were not consulted before the countries reached to this agreement.”

The Premier also told reporters of the newspaper during his first interview with a local private media outlet that Ethiopia absolves itself of any responsibility in case of disruptions to their operation in the area due to its proportionate response to any provocations by the Eritrean regime.

“Although we understand their objective, we were not consulted before the countries reached to this agreement. We have a right to protect the sovereignty of our country. And this might depend on the actions of the Eritrean regime,” Hailemariam said.

The Prime Minister, however, said that there is no evidence Saudi Arabia and the UAE had leased the Port of Assab from Eritrea for 30 years.

Experts say the relationship between Eritrea and Ethiopia is arguably the most important and volatile in East Africa. The fall-out between the former brothers-in-arms initiated a two-year-long border war in 1998, which claimed around 100,000 causalities, and cost billions of dollars. Many say the ‘no war, no peace’ situation between the two countries continues to serve as the main source of regional instability in the Horn of Africa.  http://ecadforum.com/sourse