Typologies of National-isms in Ethiopia

By Ayele Gelan

Aug 1, 2013 (OPride) – Over the last several weeks, a lot has been said on both sides of the “I am Oromo first” and “I am Ethiopian first” divide. But very little about why people choose those positions.

This piece is inspired by Abebe Gelaw’s commentary on Jawar Mohammed’sstatement. In “I am Ethiopian First”, I thought, Abebe presented a sensible and sober contrast to a catalogue of pieces with vulgar and repulsive sentiments from many Ethiopian writers. His call for calm among Amhara activists regarding their sudden Jawar mania as well as his plea for consensus and compromise between the two communities were commendable.

However, Abebe’s characterizations of the typologies of national-isms in Ethiopia were rather troublesome. He writes,

My understanding is that Jawar is an ethno-nationalist. As an ethno-nationalist, he says he is an Oromo first. Unlike him, I am a nationalist. But that is not the major problem. The problem is the way he has chosen to articulate and present his views in question that have been widely perceived as inflammatory and divisive. I firmly and fervently believe that I am an Ethiopian first. I do not wish to allow the ethnic origin of my predecessors and parents to define me as a human being and overshadow my Ethiopian identity. Jawar said Ethiopian identity was imposed on him. On the contrary, I argue that such a position is fundamentally flawed. Nowhere in the world is anyone given choices of national identity.

While Abebe sees no problem in this statement, the notion that “I am a nationalist” and “you are an ethno-nationalist” is central to the simmering tensions between Amharas and Oromos. For starters, there is no such a thing as “I am a nationalist.” One can only be a nationalist in some defined group. As such when Abebe says I am “an Ethiopian nationalist”, it begs the question, but which Ethiopia?

The Euphemism

Oromos and most non-Amhara Ethiopians have a clear understanding of the existence of an Ethiopia with dual identity. The first is mythical Ethiopia, which is sufficiently described in Ethiopian history books. In this ancient Ethiopia with 3000 years of history, everyone speaks Amharic and is an Orthodox Christian. In its heyday, mythical Ethiopia’s geography stretched to the oceans before it was reduced to the current existence in recent centuries.

The second one is what I call the real Ethiopia where two minority groups dominated the majority of people within its borders in literally all spheres of life – politics, economy, culture, language, etc for more than a century. This Ethiopia, created only during a time span of less than a century and a half, is made up of diverse nations with unique historical and cultural backgrounds.

If you are still reading, which Ethiopian nationalism do you embrace: the mythical or the real Ethiopia one? I relate to the real Ethiopia. Despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary, activists like Abebe often go to great heights to camouflage the facts. I have not heard them advocate for Oromo’s or other groups rights. They do not write about the immense sufferings of nations and nationalities in Ethiopia’s south, never mind admitting or even mentioning past atrocities and historical injustices. We often hear “free Eskinder Nega!” but rarely “free Bekele Gerba!” although Bekele is being treated harshly at the malaria infested Ziway prison.

Over the years, I saw numerous rallies organized by “Ethiopian nationalists”, where they make little or no mention of human rights abuses perpetrated against Oromo and other nations in Ethiopia. Demonstrations are organized only when TPLF forces attack Amharas or Amhara interests. In other words, the likes of Abebe react only to Amhara related incidents. This inconsistency however is not true for Oromo groups. For instance, earlier this year the Oromo Studies Association organized a human rights rally in front of the White House where members carried placards bearing mainly names of Oromo political prisoners. This is because OSA and the Oromo activists made no secret of their objective to raise the neglected Oromo voice. Even then, they called on U.S. government to put pressure on the Ethiopian regime for the release of “all political prisoners”, not just the Oromo.

I find it baffling to hear “Ethiopian nationalists” shouting from the rooftops only about injustices perpetuated against Amharas. Even media groups like Abebe Gelaw’s ESAT mention Oromo issues as an afterthought or much like a foreign news item. As such, Abebe’s claim to represent the real Ethiopia is untenable.

In that sense, the Ethiopian nationalism Abebe represents is an Amhara nationalism wrapped in an Ethiopian garb. The Ethiopian nationalist discourse still remains a deliberate effort to hide Amhara nationalism under Ethiopia-ism. The history of mythical Ethiopia, which enhanced the political and cultural dominance of Amharas over other groups, serves as a “historical” background for the cover-up. As such, when Abebe says, “I’m Ethiopian First” he essentially means, “I’m an Amhara first.” Ethiopian is only used as a euphemism for Amhara.

Abebe did not even differ to the Ethiopian euphemism when he said, “I am a nationalist but Jawar is an ethno-nationalist.” This is a deliberate label meant to characterize his version of nationalism as superior, and Jawar’s as inferior ethnic-nationalism. The truth is both Abebe and Jawar are ethnic nationalists. The only difference is Abebe wants to hide the fact that he’s an Amhara nationalist whereas Jawar never hid his Oromummaa.

–For further reading Opride.com